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On May 17, 1784, the Confederation Congress appointed Thomas Jefferson as a Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Versailles, directing him to join Benjamin Franklin and John Adams in Paris where he would eventually become the senior Minister in France.[1] When Jefferson sailed for France on July 5, 1784, aboard the merchant ship Ceres, his task was to promote American interests, not only in France but throughout Europe. When he returned to America aboard the merchant ship Clermont on November 23, 1789, Jefferson’s service as Minister Plenipotentiary had been largely disappointing in its diplomatic impact. His time abroad, however, had had a profound impact on his approach to art, music, architecture, food, and wine, and the international experience had broadened his outlook on science and politics, expanded his friendships, and molded his manners. Jefferson returned home a man transformed from Jefferson the Virginian into Jefferson the man of the world, envisioning an America true to its founding principles of self-government while rivalling the artistic, scientific, and cultural achievements of Europe.

Following his appointment as Minister Plenipotentiary in May 1784, Jefferson spent the six weeks prior to his departure arranging his personal affairs and gathering information about America’s export products.[2] Sailing from Boston with his daughter Martha and enslaved servant James Hemings, Jefferson left his daughters Maria and Lucy in the care of his sister-in-law, Elizabeth Wayles Eppes, and his precarious finances in the hands of his friend Nicholas Lewis. Arriving in Paris on August 6, 1784, Jefferson added American diplomat William Short and maître d’hôtel Adrien Petit to his household. First settling at the Hôtel de Landron, Jefferson moved to the more accommodating Hôtel de Langeac.

Reunited with Benjamin Franklin and John Adams, Jefferson devoted himself to his role in diplomacy and consular affairs, meeting his French and European counterparts, assisting Americans abroad, and developing a deep friendship with Abigail Adams who observed “he is one of the choice ones of the Earth.”[3] In navigating the protocols and personalities at the Court of Versailles and Parisian salons, Jefferson benefited from the advice of old friends from the American Revolution, the Marquis de Lafayette and Philip Mazzei, prompting Thomas Shippen, an American travelling in Europe, to remark, “I observed that although Mr. Jefferson was the plainest man in the room, and the most destitute of ribbands crosses and other insignia of rank that he was most courted and most attended to (even by the Courtiers themselves) of the whole Diplomatic corps—”[4] Jefferson found himself impressed by the decorum of the international diplomatic corps he encountered and their ability, no matter the controversy at hand, to maintain civil discourse. Reflecting on the rough and tumble nature of American politics, Jefferson remarked, “I would wish [my] countrymen to adopt just so much of European politeness as to be ready [to] make all those little sacrifices of self which really render European manners amiable, and relieve society from the disagreeable scenes to which rudeness often exposes it.”[5]

Jefferson's Words: Letters from France

Two ladies, two letters, and many things to say. During the winter of 1787 while living in France, Jefferson wrote two of his more oft-quoted letters, which include some of his thoughts on Shay's Rebellion, Roman architecture, and the French nobility, all served with a good dose of charm.

Despite his mastery of diplomacy and Lafayette’s unceasing support at the Court of Versailles, Jefferson’s five years as Minister Plenipotentiary produced only two treaties, one with Prussia in 1785 and one with Morocco in 1786, and a single consular agreement with France in 1789.[6] America’s weak central government under the Articles of Confederation and its then novel idea of free trade as opposed to Europe’s powerful monarchies and their preference for mercantilist trade created an impasse Jefferson was unable to resolve. In France, the corrupt Ferme Générale monopolized trade with individual American merchants and had no interest in a broad trade treaty that would diminish their control over American exports.[7] Complicating matters, the American government struggled to pay off French loans to fund the American Revolution, stopping interest payments in 1785 and defaulting on further installments in 1787, such that the Court of Versailles saw little to be gained from lowering trade barriers between the two countries.[8] Jefferson and Adams both made attempts to deal with the Barbary pirates of North Africa. Lacking an ocean going navy and no longer protected by Britain, American ships and citizens were seized at will by the Barbary pirates who demanded ransoms and steep tribute to free them. Successfully negotiating a treaty with Morocco but meeting with no success with Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers, Jefferson concluded that only war would stop their incursions. As President, he initiated the Barbary War of 1801-1805 leading to the defeat of the Barbary pirates by the U.S. Navy and Marine Corps.[9]

Undeterred by the lack of progress in formal treaty making, Jefferson sought other means to advance political and economic support for the new American nation. In his dealings with the French Foreign Minister, the Comte de Vergennes and his successor, the Comte de Montmorin, Jefferson forcefully promoted America’s commercial interests, advocating particularly for tobacco and whale oil, the primary export products of that time. In 1786, Jefferson convinced Vergennes to establish an American Committee to improve trade and diminish the influence of the Ferme Générale. Enlisting Lafayette and Pierre Samuel Du Pont de Nemours to serve as members, Jefferson’s efforts opened the tobacco market to more American producers and ended the ban on imports of American whale oil.[10]

Jefferson took the opportunity of his diplomatic posting in France to immerse himself in the sights, culture, and people of Paris and Western Europe, remarking, “Were I to proceed to tell you how much I enjoy their architecture, sculpture, painting, music, I should want words.”[11] These experiences made a profound impact, transforming his thought and taste in virtually every subject that interested him, including:

  • Architecture and Design. Paris was the center of neoclassical architecture during Jefferson’s time in France. He fully embraced the blending of old and new design and engineering behind the neoclassical movement and took time during his travels in Europe to view both neoclassical and classical structures and ruins in France, Italy, and England. His reimagining of Monticello reflects the incorporation of neoclassic elements of the domed Halle aux blés and Hôtel de Salm, and the asymmetrical interior and parallel rooms of the Hôtel Langeac. In his designs for the Virginia State Capitol, the residential Poplar Forest, the University of Virginia, and (in consultation with Benjamin Latrobe and James Hoban) the U.S. Capitol and the White House, Jefferson brought the neoclassical movement home to America.[12] Jefferson became enamored with French design, acquiring furniture, dinnerware, table settings, floor coverings, and household objects that enabled him to duplicate at Monticello the elements typical of a Parisian salon.
  • Botany. Jefferson explored both the practical and the playful in his botanical pursuits in Europe. Befriending André Thouin, French botanist and Director of the Jardin du Roi/Jardin des Plantes in Paris, Jefferson found a fellow enthusiast in the science of botany. Until his death in 1824, Thouin annually sent Jefferson a box of seeds sourced from around the globe. Catherine de Noailles, Comtesse de Tessé, aunt of Lafayette and keeper of a Parisian salon, provided Jefferson entrée to visit the finest estate gardens and ornamental farms in Paris. In his travels, Jefferson devoted time to studying the crops and agricultural practices of Western Europe with a view to bringing best practices home to America. His tour of the English countryside with John Adams in 1786 resulted in his enthusiastic embrace of English “pleasure gardening” whose concepts he applied to transform Monticello’s landscape into one of integrated and carefully planned informality.[13]
  • Science and Technology. In Paris and London, Jefferson seized the opportunity to engage in scientific inquiry and observe advances in technology. He befriended the Marquis de Condorcet, Permanent Secretary of the French Academy of Sciences, who introduced him to the leading scientific figures of France. Engaged in scientific debate with the Comte de Buffon, Jefferson successfully disproved the French naturalist’s theory that North American climate caused degeneration of humans and wildlife by importing examples of American wildlife larger than their European counterparts.[14] During his travels throughout France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and England, Jefferson devoted time to observing the latest developments in engineering and agricultural technology.[15] To his friend John Page, he commented that the “mechanical arts in London are carried to a wonderful perfection.”[16] From London firms, he purchased a vast array of astronomical, meteorological, surveying, engineering, and measuring devices.[17]
  • Fine Art. In the company of American artist John Trumbull, Jefferson toured the art academies and art salons of Paris, honing his appreciation of fine art and sparking a desire that American artists might rival those of Europe.[18]. Writing James Madison, he declared, “You see I am an enthusiast on the subject of the arts. But it is an enthusiasm of which I am not ashamed, as it’s object is to improve the taste of my countrymen, to increase their reputation, to reconcile to them the respect of the world & procure them it’s praise.”[19] He engaged sculptor Jean-Antoine Houdon, commissioning works on behalf of the United States, for the state of Virginia, and for his personal use, including busts of himselfGeorge Washington, and the Marquis de Lafayette. During his five years in Europe, Jefferson amassed a sizeable art collection intended for future display at Monticello.[20]
  • Food and Wine. Jefferson’s taste in food and wine evolved during his time in Paris, where he came to appreciate French table customs. James Hemings’s training in the art of French cooking and his familiarity with Virginia cooking provided Jefferson the opportunity to combine the best elements of both foodways to create a unique style. Rejecting the fortified wine of England, Jefferson developed a preference for the lighter wines of France, Germany, and Italy. Visiting vineyards throughout Western Europe, Jefferson made extensive field notes regarding viniculture in the hope that America might join Europe in producing fine wine. He adopted the informal “pell mell” seating arrangement typical of the French salon, abandoning the strict order of precedence typical of English table customs.[21]

Jefferson’s encounters with the women he met in Paris are well documented. His correspondence reveals that he met an intellectual equal in Abigail Adams and a horticulture enthusiast in Madame de Tessé, and that he developed a brief infatuation with Maria Cosway.[22] Paris also marked the beginning of Jefferson’s connection with enslaved Sally Hemings, with whom he would father at least four children. A single father, his eldest daughter Martha accompanied him to Paris where she was educated at the Abbaye Royale de Panthemont. Following the death of his youngest daughter Lucy in Virginia, Jefferson arranged for his daughter Mary to travel from Virginia to France in the company of Sally Hemings.

Throughout his tenure as an American diplomat in Europe, Jefferson maintained a keen interest in political events in the United States. In correspondence with James Madison, he closely followed the creation of the U.S. Constitution, offering his advice and opinions on crafting the document. Although generally supportive of Madison’s efforts, Jefferson expressed grave concern that, without a Bill of Rights, the Constitution was fatally flawed and that enabling the President and members of Congress to stand for reelection would risk the creation of officeholders for life. Over time Madison came around to Jefferson’s point of view and drafted the Bill of Rights, amending the Constitution to formally include guarantees of personal freedoms and rights.[23]

Witness to the onset of the French Revolution, Jefferson enthusiastically supported the Marquis de Lafayette and the reform minded aristocrats who hoped France would evolve into a constitutional monarchy. Following the storming of the Bastille, Jefferson became directly involved in revolutionary activity, helping Lafayette draft a declaration of rights and offering his residence for meetings of revolutionary leaders.[24] When Jefferson returned to America in the fall of 1789, he departed with the expectation that he would return to France and continue his efforts to support a peaceful transition of power from monarchy to republic.[25]

Although his appointment as Secretary of State ended both his service representing America’s interests abroad and his foreign travels, Jefferson’s eventful five years as Minister to the Court of Versailles revolutionized his thinking in virtually all aspects of his life. The 86 crates of fine art, furniture, cooking utensils, dinner services, clocks, books, and scientific instruments Jefferson brought back from France found their way to Monticello, where Jefferson would remodel his home in the French neoclassical style and transform the mountaintop into an American version of an English pleasure garden.[26]

- David Thorson, 6/13/20

Further Sources



 

References

  1. ^ Commission for Negotiating Treaties of Amity and Commerce, May 16, 1784, in PTJ, 7:262-65. Transcription available at Founder’s Online.
  2. ^ Jefferson's correspondence during this six-week period describes his preparations. Transcriptions available at Founder’s Online.
  3. ^ Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch, May 8, 1785, in Adams Family Correspondence, ed. Richard Alan Ryerson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), 6:119. Transcription available at Founder’s Online.
  4. ^ Thomas Lee Shippen to William Shippen, February 14, 1788- March 26, 1788, Shippen Family Papers, Library of Congress, quoted in PTJ, 12:501-04n. Editorial note available at Founder’s Online.
  5. ^ Jefferson to Charles Bellini, September 30, 1785, in PTJ, 8:568-70. Transcription available at Founder’s Online.
  6. ^ For documents pertaining to the Negotiation of the September 10, 1785, Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce, see Papers of John Adams, vol. 16. Transcriptions available at Founders Online. For the text of the treaty, see Treaty of Amity and Commerce Between His Majesty the King of Prussia, and the United States of America, September 10, 1785, The Avalon Project, Yale Law School. See also The Moroccan-American Treaty of Peace and Friendship, [June 28, 1786], in Papers of John Adams, ed. Gregg L. Lint et al. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2016), 18:360-67 (transcription available at Founders Online); documents pertaining to The Consular Convention of 1788, in PTJ, vol. 14 (transcriptions available at Founders Online).
  7. ^ For U.S.-French trade during Jefferson’s term as Minister, see Documents on the American Tobacco Trade, in PTJ, 12:76-93 (transcriptions available at Founders Online); Further Documents Concerning American Trade, in PTJ, 13:52-91 (transcriptions available at Founders Online); Observations on the Whale Fishery, November 14, 1788, in PTJ, 14:242-56 (transcription available at Founders Online); Proposal by Daniel Parker for Packets, November 20, 1788, in PTJ, 14:307-10 (transcription available at Founders Online).
  8. ^ For a concise discussion of the problem of Revolutionary War Debt, see Department of State, Office of the Historian, Milestones in the History of U.S. Foreign Relations, U.S. Debt and Foreign Loans, 1775-1795.
  9. ^ For an in-depth discussion of the problem, see Editorial Note: Reports on Mediterranean Trade and Algerine Captives, in PTJ, 18:369-416. Note available at Founders Online.
  10. ^ See Jefferson to Lafayette, February 20, 1786, in PTJ, 9:291-92n. Transcription and editorial note available at Founders Online. The editorial note to Jefferson's letter addresses the American Committee. For Jefferson’s success in promoting the whale oil trade, see Observations on the Whale Fishery, November 14, 1788, in PTJ, 14:242-56 (transcription available at Founders Online); Arrêt Concerning Whale Oil, December 7, 1788, in PTJ, 14:268-69 (transcription available at Founders Online).
  11. ^ Jefferson to Charles Bellini, September 30, 1785, in PTJ, 8:568-70. Transcription available at Founder’s Online.
  12. ^ See Jack McLaughlin, Thomas Jefferson and Monticello: The Biography of a Builder (New York: Henry Holt, 1988).
  13. ^ Andrea Wulf, Founding Gardeners: The Revolutionary Generation, Nature, and the Shaping of the American Nation (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011).
  14. ^ See Keith Thompson, “Jefferson, Buffon and the Moose,” American Scientist 96, no. 3 (2008): 200-02.
  15. ^ See, e.g., Notes of a Tour into the Southern Parts of France, &c., March 3-June 10, 1787, in PTJ, 11:415-64 (transcription available at Founders Online); Notes of a Tour through Holland and the Rhine Valley, March 3-April 23, 1788, in PTJ, 13:8-36 (transcription available at Founders Online).
  16. ^ Jefferson to Page, May 4, 1786, in PTJ, 9:444-46. Transcription available at Founder’s Online.
  17. ^ See, e.g., MB, 1:613-23, for Jefferson's various purchases in London in 1786. Transcription available at Founders Online. Jefferson included his scientific instruments on a list of "Mathematical Appartus." See 1783 Catalog of Books, [circa 1775-1812], page 244, by Thomas Jefferson [electronic edition], Thomas Jefferson Papers: An Electronic Archive (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 2003).
  18. ^ See Howard C. Rice, Thomas Jefferson’s Paris (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976). Text available at Google Books.
  19. ^ Jefferson to Madison, September 20, 1785, in PTJ, 8:366-69. Transcription available at Founder’s Online.
  20. ^ Jefferson purchased several paintings from the collection of Dupille de Saint-Séverin in February 1785. See MB, 1:576, 1:576n38. Transcription available at Founders Online. See also Jefferson's Catalogue of Paintings &c., Accession #2958-b, The Thomas Jefferson Papers, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library. For a transcription of Jefferson's catalogue, see Seymour Howard, "Thomas Jefferson's Art Gallery for Monticello," The Art Bulletin 59, no. 4 (1977): 583-600.
  21. ^ Damon Lee Fowler, Dining at Monticello: In Good Taste and Abundance (Charlottesville: Thomas Jefferson Foundation, 2005); Thomas J. Craughwell, Thomas Jefferson’s Créme Brulee (Philadelphia: Quirk Books, 2012).
  22. ^ See Jefferson-Abigail Adams correspondence (transcriptions (1) and (2) available at Founders Line); Jefferson-Madame de Tessé correspondence (transcriptions (1), (2), and (3) available at Founders Online); Jefferson-Maria Cosway correspondence (transcriptions (1) and (2) available at Founder Online).
  23. ^ See Jefferson to Madison, December 20, 1787, in PTJ, 12:438-43 (transcription available at Founder’s Online); Jefferson to Madison, March 15, 1789, in PTJ, 14:659-63 (transcription available at Founder’s Online).
  24. ^ Lafayette’s Draft of a Declaration of Rights, June 1789, in PTJ, 15:230-33 (transcription available at Founder’s Online); Lafayette to Jefferson, August 25, 1789, in PTJ, 15:354-55 (transcription and editorial notes available at Founder’s Online).
  25. ^ See Merrill D. Peterson, “Thomas Jefferson and the French Revolution,” Tocqueville Review 9 (1988): 15-25.
  26. ^ For the 86 crates, see the Grevin packing list, July 17, 1790, William Short Papers, Library of Congress. See also Short to Jefferson, November 7, 1790, in PTJ, 18:30-39n. The accompanying editorial note, available at Founders Online, includes extensive data on the 86 crates packed by Grevin.